Ebook Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement and the Bombing That Divided Gilded Age America
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Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement and the Bombing That Divided Gilded Age America
Ebook Death in the Haymarket: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement and the Bombing That Divided Gilded Age America
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Product details
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Audible Audiobook
Listening Length: 12 hours and 40 minutes
Program Type: Audiobook
Version: Unabridged
Publisher: Tantor Audio
Audible.com Release Date: March 12, 2019
Whispersync for Voice: Ready
Language: English, English
ASIN: B07P5HK1LL
Amazon Best Sellers Rank:
A very detailed and clear history of the beginning of the labor movement in America. Unfortunately this often entailed violence, but the violence was far greater and more perfidious on the side of the wealthy trying to maintain their absolute control of the labor force. And as history shows, they have largely prevailed until this day. Perhaps if we take the lessons of the Haymarket massacre to heart, this nation could finally fulfill the dreams of those who died to bring the laborer something as foreign in their time as an eight hour workday.
This is one of the best portrayals of the infamous Haymarket Square bombing. Green provides a thorough analysis of the political activities of all of the major participants in the years leading up to the incident and does it in a very pleasing and engaging style. It is thoroughly footnoted without being dry and academic. You get the sense of the characters involved as real flesh and blood people. Definitely worth the time, energy and money to read.
I ordered the paperback thinking that it would be the same format as the hardcover. The book is significantly smaller but the number of pages is the same so the size of the print is small and crowded. I reordered it in the hardback version and enjoyed it immensely.
The tragic events of May 4, 1886 and in the Haymarket in Chicago and the aftermath of those events have left more questions than answers for historians. Who threw the bomb that killed six policemen? Was there a conspiracy to commit violent acts that night or was the protest truly peaceful? Were the right men arrested for the crime or were they scapegoated because of their affiliations with radical organizations? Did they receive a fair trial or were they doomed by a biased press, judge, and jury? Were the men that went to the gallows "the foulest of murderers" as described by Teddy Roosevelt years later or were they martyrs, heroes to working class people everywhere? These are the questions that historians still debate today. These are the questions that UMass-Boston professor James Green attempts to answer in this book. Green starts with a look at the growing labor movement at the end of the Civil War and details the major events and leaders of that movement up through the Haymarket bombing. In covering over twenty years of labor history (a topic I have never found to be very interesting), Green writes fluidly and in a manner that makes the history come alive for the reader. He does an excellent job of detailing the growth and divisions within the labor movement locally, nationally, and internationally. Chicago becomes a flashpoint for the labor struggle not just because of its rapid emergence as the commercial heart of the United States but also because of its diverse immigrant population. In describing Chicago's different ethnic neighborhoods and their populations like the Bohemians in Pilsen, the Irish in Bridgeport, and the Germans on the North Side, Green brings the reader into the melting pot aspect of the labor movement while at the same time explaining one of the reasons why the labor movement had such difficulty unifying against big business. Interspersed within struggles between labor and capital that emerge in the Gilded Age, Green includes brief biographies of all the major labor leaders in Haymarket. Organizing the book in this manner effectively draws the reader into the story and makes them feel as though they know men like August Spies and Albert Parsons. Green is at his strongest when detailing the lives of the labor leaders involved directly and indirectly with Haymarket and the workers themselves. The story of Albert and Lucy Parsons is especially fascinating. Albert, a Confederate veteran turned Southern Republican who moves to Chicago to escape violence in Texas, and Lucy, a Mexican/African/Native American?? beauty who joins Albert rallying for workers rights in Chicago even while pregnant, both come across as heroes in the struggle between labor and business. The story of the Parsons' radicalization, particularly Albert, mirrors that of the labor movement. At first, he was optimistic about the prospects of organizing laborers and accomplish change via political channels. However, as he became increasingly more aware of the political power of the big business owners he recognized this path was futile. The key event of this radicalization occurred when he lost his job as a printer and was summoned into the Rookery by the Chicago Board of Trade. The scene is brilliantly described by Green as Albert is led into this dark room with suits all around threatening to kill him if he does not stop organizing laborers. Green then describes Albert being tossed out of the room into a dark, dingy hallway, alone, not knowing how to get out. The whole episode plays out like a movie scene. It is noteworthy, however, to point out the fact that villains in Green's interpretation of Haymarket do not get the same detailed biographical treatment. Instead, men like Inspector John Bonfield emerge as evil, power-hungry xenophobes who target the working class in an effort to elevate their own status. Aside from the fact that he was a "failed businessman" and "humiliated" by an earlier run-in with workers, the reader knows nothing of Bonfield's background. By contrast, Parsons' radicalization and inflammatory rhetoric advocating the use of violence is tempered by Green's portrait of him as a man who fought his entire life for people's rights even when it was unpopular to do so. Thus, Parsons emerges as a complex individual who ultimately only wanted to make things right while Bonfield is a simple minded bully who cared nothing for anyone but himself. Green's research is extensively cited and an examination of the sources in the notes section at the back of the book reveals a heavy reliance on sources sympathetic to the plight of the Haymarket defendants. One source heavily cited throughout the book is John Peter Altgeld's Reasons for Pardoning the Haymarket Anarchists. Altgeld was the Democratic governor of Illinois who pardoned three of the Haymarket defendants. The motivations for Altgeld's pardon have come under scrutiny in recent years due to the efforts of historian Timothy Messer-Kruse who points out that Altgeld published Reasons during an election year and had a personal grudge against the judge who presided over the Haymarket Trial. It is Green's depiction of that trial as a sham and the subsequent appeals that mark the weakest part of the book. Here, the Haymarket defendants receive reverent treatment from Green who buys into their own beliefs that they followed in the footsteps of men like Patrick Henry and Thomas Paine. A more critical assessment of their role, even indirectly, in inciting violent action would have given the book a more balanced feel at the end. Despite its shortcomings, Green's Death in the Haymarket is a fast-paced book that makes labor history interesting. It brings to life the violent struggle between labor and capital at a time when the United States was growing at a pace that few seemed to be able to handle. The book reads like a movie script with fascinating characters and heart pounding action scenes. This movie-like feel is at once the strength and weakness of Death in the Haymarket. All great movies have heroes and villains, good guys and bad guys and Green's book certainly has that. However, in real life controversial events rarely play out in black and white. It is the shades of grey that Green fails to convey when dealing with the trial and its aftermath that is the books biggest shortfall.
It is nice to see this book will soon be out in paperback making it available to a broader audience, because it is a much needed account of the early days of the labor movement in America. James Green has done a remarkable job of building the events that surrounded the notorious Haymarket bombing of 1886 by exploring the lives of the eight men who stood accused for inspiring the incident. He starts with the explosive incident, and then digs back into the archive of union organization in Chicago and the attempts to form a national labor union. While most of the figures were foreign born, one figure, Albert Parsons, hailed from Texas and became the most charismatic figure of the Chicago Eight.Green shows how the media, police and state militia were predominantly held under the influence of the industrialists, who felt it their god-given right to set the rules for the market economy at the time. While economic giants like McCormick and Pullman attempted to create more ameniable workplaces, even they refused to negotiate with unions, preferring instead to hire scabs and use the Pinkerton Agency to break strikes. The early socialist movement preferred to negotiate with the industrialists, knowing it was a long term process to get better pay and working conditions, but the anarchists felt that stronger resistance was necessary and labor leaders like Parsons and Spies became the spokesmen for the growing anarchist movement in America.The book chronicles the events that led up to the Haymarket bombing, illustrating the many attempts of the industrialists and indeed the city to quash the labor movements. While the mayor of Chicago, Carter Harrison, was sympathetic to the socialists, and relied heavily on their political organization, he was also cognizant of the stronghold the industrialists had on the city. One particular figure, Marshall Field, did more than anyone to harness the forces the city to defeat the unions, but nevertheless the unions flourished thanks in large part to the steady flow of European immigrants.Green connects the labor movement in America to that in Europe and how the two fed off each other, noting the strong influence of Marx and Bakunin on American labor leaders. It was this fear of foreign influence that the media used to help sway public opinion in favor of the industrialists, despite their well noted abuses of power.Whether you agree with the tactics of the anarchists or not, you will be enlightened by the depth of understanding that James Green demonstrates in this book. Most important is how Green links the events of 1886 with the ongoing labor struggle in the new age of globalization as industrialists take advantage of cheap labor much in the way they did 120 years ago, using every hook and crook to break labor organizations. He shows how the Chicago Eight became iconic figures in the international labor movement as a result of a bogus trial. Four were executed and one died in jail, who also faced execution. It is a very sobering account of the labor battles in early industrial America.
This later stage in our country's transition along the Industrial Revolution Conveyor Belt was fraught with violence and inequities that helped ferment an anti-Capitalist ferver that, to a large degree, still exists. Certainly the roots of Socialism and Communism that were transported to America in the mid 1800s were given nurtured and given voice during this period. If you've ever wondered how we could have Nazi groups and White Supremacist groups and other such groups in the American "Heart Land", this book will shed some light.
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